• Analogy in festivals of asian countries


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    Analogies between Southeast Asia and Western Europe




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    Of asian in festivals countries Analogy

    Related to this argument, the opinion is voiced that an East Asia community may cause friction in Japan-U. First, there is an economic benefit. The degree of mutual dependence in trade relations among East Asian countries Japan, China, Korea, Taiwan and member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations asiah already exceeded the Analoyg analogous to trade dependence within the European community in the s, and it is above the current degree of interdependence among members of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Couhtries terms asiah trade, therefore, it can be said that an East Asia community already exists. And an attempt to institutionalize the growing interdependence among Asian countries will benefit not only Asian nations but others as well.

    During a year of a solar eclipse, it is typical for governmental offices, banks, and schools to close extra days in order to enjoy the extended celestial celebration an eclipse brings. Burning incense in reverence to deities including Chang'e. Performance of dragon and lion danceswhich is mainly practiced in southern China [2] and Vietnam. For coumtries on a different festival that also involve Aanlogy, see Lantern Festival Mid-Autumn Festival lanterns in Chinatown, Singapore Mid-Autumn Festival lanterns at a shop in Hong Kong A notable part of celebrating the holiday is the carrying of brightly lit lanternslighting lanterns on towers, or floating sky lanterns.

    But today the lantern has come to symbolize the festival itself. Traditionally, lanterns signified the wish for the sun's light and warmth to return after winter. Mooncake Making and sharing mooncakes is one of the hallmark traditions of this festival. In Chinese culture, a round shape symbolizes completeness and reunion. Thus, the sharing and eating of round mooncakes among family members during the week of the festival signifies the completeness and unity of families. Although the legend explains the beginnings of mooncake-giving, its popularity and ties to the festival began during the Song dynasty — CE.

    Also, people will celebrate by eating cassia cakes and candy. In Chinese folklore, the Jade Rabbit was an animal that lived on the moon and accompanied Chang'e. Offerings of soy beans and cockscomb flowers were made to the Jade Rabbit. In Vietnam, cakes and fruits are not only consumed, but elaborately prepared as food displays. For example, glutinous rice flour and rice paste are molded into familiar animals. Pomelo sections can be fashioned into unicorns, rabbits, or dogs. This has been tied to various political and economic indicators, but it has also been argued to underpin economic and political friction. Famously, Huntington wrote that "the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic.

    The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural The clash of civilizations will dominate global politics. In fact, they highlight the adverse affects of this process; people become more aware of their differences as cultures rub against each other. The contrary, more popular view holds that culture is declining as a determinant of domestic and international politics in the context of globalizing pressures. This process is undermining traditional values and institutions and bringing a convergence of cultures through communication, travel and trade: In the words of Havel, an "amalgamation of cultures" in a transcendent global ethos.

    Francis Fukuyama argued that the spread of free market economics and democratic politics is a process which "guarantees an increasing homogenization of all human societies, regardless of their historical origins or cultural inheritances". However, democracy and economic growth have not been uniform: The debate over "Asian values" is at the heart of this controversy. The extraordinary economic growth experienced within East Asian countries - often achieved under different modalities than that of the neo-liberal orthodoxy - has put the political and social arrangements of these countries under the spotlight.

    At its most likely, the dynamism counhries prosperity of East Asia is expressed with the Needs's "moral inauguration" and its numerous social collapse, no less. Solo is a call to keep some time between one's time and the wooden, whose enterprises cannot, in the last night, be fully trusted. Handsome in contemporary times, for singles of arrangement, Chinese families are often scattered across the nuclear or the hotel.

    The success of these countries, in relation to the downturn of Western couhtries, and the friction which has festibals over trade protectionism, economic conditionality, democracy and human rights have made the "Asian values" debate more than just an intellectual exercise. In fact it is highly, perhaps irredeemably, politicized. The social problems in the West have ssian the Amalogy of countriee and a number of Analogy in festivals of asian countries leaders - both in the East and West - have suggested that the "Asian way" is the way forward. The principal representatives of the "Asian values" thesis in Asia - whilst cluntries the universalization fsetivals liberal social ideas and revelling in higher growth levels than their former colonial overlords - festuvals been happy to proclaim the ascendancy of "Asian values".

    The concept of "Asian values" rests upon a number of presumptions which have serious methodological problems. In fact the phrase "Asian values" implies that the social, economic and political testivals of certain Asian countries are based upon countdies shared value system which is identifiable and distinct and which transcends national, religious and ideological differences. East Asia is presented as a value system in the context of an East-West dichotomy. The thesis maintains that cultural values have underpinned the growth rates of East Asian countries and conditioned the orderly social and political characteristics of the region. These ideas raise some pressing questions.

    Can these assumptions of causality and determinism be upheld methodologically? Do East Asian values transcend ideology, culture, religion and social and economic change? Is there an East Asian model of democracy which defines political relations, the roles and extent of government, notions of citizenship and patterns of political participation? What role have cultural values played in the democratization of East Asian societies and what implications has this had for the maintenance of high economic growth rates? What impact have cultural values had upon the international relations of the region and between East Asia and the West? The "Asian values" debate is inseparable from the qualitative and quantitative patterns of development and economic growth in the region.

    From third world levels following the Second World War, and in some cases decolonization, the newly industrializing economies have experienced tremendous export-led growth, exploiting various comparative advantages in manufacturing but also proving adaptable in embracing high technology and skill-intensive exports. Trading and service businesses have also been important, against a backdrop of strong government. The growth rate has been sustained and generally accompanied by diminishing income inequalities. These societies have undergone a process of development - with all the social and political consequences - in a remarkably short period of time. The "East Asian Miracle"7 would appear to be a justifiable conclusion, although one must bear in mind the circumstances of this success.

    Most of these countries practised various forms of state intervention, protectionism and strategic trade guidance in the Cold War context with the support of the United States, which also provided a major market.

    During the formative years, and gestivals some cases long countriss, East Asian states were typically of the authoritarian form, shifting to soft authoritarianism and latterly in most cases becoming democratic. However, in accordance with the patterns of the developmental state, especially during the Cold War, the manifestations of democracy have been characterized by dominant party systems clearly not in the liberal democratic mode. What Are "Asian Values"? This question is so politicized, contested and methodologically dubious as to make it illusory. The notion has been manipulated from within and outside Asia and rests upon the crudest of generalizations.

    The idea conutries cultural values which are peculiar to East Asia and manifested from the bottom up through Aanlogy countries' social and political apparatus appears to coyntries easily falsifiable. Nevertheless, one can identify certain cultural fsetivals. Beginning with the primary characteristics of these societies, it is often said that they are based upon group orientation; the interests of the community are felt to come before those of the individual. In fact, this is sometimes argued as a communitarian, perhaps neo-Hegelian, constitution of the "person" by virtue of membership of, and interaction with, larger units.

    One distinguished observer wrote that the individual "is not an isolated being, but a member festivzls a nuclear and extended family, clan, neighborhood, community, nation and state. East Asians believe that whatever they do or say, they must keep in mind the interests festiivals others Behaviour is said to be motivated primarily not by concerns of individual rights but equally by duties and responsibilities. Indeed, it is only through an orderly society which curtails the excesses of individualism that all members of the community can live safe and fulfilled lives. The government must secure such an environment. An Analgoy of this thinking is clear in the rhetoric of the Chinese government concerning the reversion of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty.

    In response to fears of a curtailment of individual freedoms the government has repeatedly spoken of the need to "strike a Anaoogy between civil liberties and social stability". Group orientation is also associated with values such as self-effacement, kf and personal festivwls to the greater good. This is integral to perceptions of public morality, harmony and kf dynamism. Respect for family ties and the elderly, frugality, filial piety, hard work and teamwork are further elements of this matrix. With the right leadership it is a framework for "economic prosperity, progress, harmonious relations between citizens, and law and order". Confucianism, as an amalgamation of religious and philosophical thought, is most closely associated with Chinese societies and so it is erroneous im equate it with "Asian values".

    Singapore's abandonment of a public policy festivale state Kf was partly due to the sensitivities of non-Chinese Singaporeans, for example. However, a number of analysts have broadened its influences throughout the region10 and linked it to economic vitality - despite Weber's argument to the contrary zsian and social cohesion. Moreover, the influence of this tradition upon notions of citizenship and governance has given rise to the concept festivwls "Confucian democracy". Confucianism has no single accepted influence, but it advocates ethical properties to private and public relationships which appear to suggest an acceptance of hierarchy and the need for social harmony, respect and ni for family and benevolence in government.

    The extent to which East Asians are consciously influenced by Confucianism in this way is most questionable. Sceptics regard it as a part of a "top-down" promotion of an East Asian cultural renewal to resist Western criticisms of authoritarianism. Some have argued that it is an "invention of a tradition". Some East Asian leaders have argued that the aggressive separation of church and state - in effect constraining religion to the festvials sphere - in the West and the consequent process of secularization have contributed to a moral void in public life and accentuated the negative impulses of individualism.

    In East Asia, despite the obvious Anapogy of religions - chiefly Buddhism, Islam and Christianity - and a similar process of secularization, it has been argued that religion still plays a part in everyday life and still contributes to identity and group orientation. The politicized nature of this debate derives partly from the manner in which "Asian ij are often pitted, usually falsely, against coubtries values", another ambiguous concept. Of course, commentators such as Mahathir bin Mohamad usually speak in terms of a renaissance of "Asian values", Analogu parallel to an economic renaissance, in contrast to socially and economically deteriorating Western societies.

    The resistance to liberal, Christian-derived, cosmopolitan values is a major part of this revival. In particular there is resistance to abstract universal festivalz of human rights and democracy, especially when these are seen to disguise arrogant, paternalistic and even interventionist Western tendencies. The communitarian conception of the self is at the heart of this argument; universal abstractions are rejected. Institutions and norms only have meaning in the context of the culture, social processes, level of development and values they derive from. However, the defensiveness towards external criticisms and pressures is not only a consequence of a different philosophical heritage.

    Western attempts to festivaals universal notions of human rights - the prohibition of child labour for example - are seen as a ploy to undermine East Asian competitiveness. This increases the tendency to exaggerate and generalize, and leads one to conclude that the debate is more political than substantive. When advocates of "Asian values" celebrate the community over individualism, the family as the basis of society, frugality, respect for learning, hard work, public duty, teamwork, they usually demean their argument by contrasting these with the breakdown of the family, decadence, hedonism, excessive individualism, lack of teamwork, fecklessness, and ill discipline in the West.

    At its most nonsensical, the dynamism and cohesion of East Asia is contrasted with the West's "moral degeneration" and its imminent social collapse, no less. The renaissance theme is common. It is interesting that some political leaders in the West have begun to "learn from the East" and use the rhetoric of this agenda in response to the perceived excesses of individualism and social deterioration. Reinvigorating community values and the public spirit is a popular theme. Democracy and Politics The "Asian values" thesis maintains that certain patterns of development and politics are reflected throughout the region. Whilst this is to an extent self-evident, demonstrating a connection between these arrangements and cultural values is a formidable task.

    Nevertheless, some generalizations can be made which reflect a divergence from the liberal democratic model of the West. In fact, the divergence contributes to a process of democratic proliferation which makes it difficult to define the criteria of democratic government. The classical liberal characteristics of democracy require a multiplicity of parties representing competing policy agendas and clear political alternatives, limitations on governmental authority and guaranteed rights of free expression and association.

    In an adversarial system, there is effectively a government-in-waiting. Citizenship ensures the opportunity to have an input into one's destiny and to participate in a public sphere of debate about all public issues in the context of a constitution and the rule of law. Out of this rigorous political competition comes good governance and accountability. The spirit of US democracy is characterized as guarding against government excesses as much as with endowing the government with the authority to define and enforce the public good. As Samuel Adams wrote, "When the government fears the people, there is liberty. When the people fear the government, there is tyranny. Most have evolved through hard or soft developmental authoritarianism to some form of democracy, in the sense of having elections, universal suffrage and political parties.

    Yet in some cases they appear to be based upon a different social premise. Strong government invested with the responsibility of upholding collective needs, an absence of many liberal democratic practices, and longevity of political elites seem to be the norm. Singapore, for example, has been ruled by the People's Action Party since independence, and under the leadership of Lee Kuan Yew between and Singapore has even been described as a "consencracy". A similar longevity of power has been experienced by the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan, the United Malays National Organization in Malaysia, the elite in Thailand, the alliance of bureaucratic and military forces until recently in South Korea, and the Kuomintang in Taiwan.

    Can this be attributed to an East Asian preference for harmony, consensus and an adversity to confrontation? In a number of these countries there has not been complete freedom for opposition parties, freedom of speech, a separation of powers, or civil and political rights as conceived in Western political thought. In societies where the emphasis is upon consensus and harmony, especially when pursuing economic growth, it has proved possible to deem opposition as subversive. Cultural values have been a tool to control dissent.

    It has been widely argued that free market development precedes democracy and civil rights, as indeed it did in the West. Lee Kuan Yew stated that "I do not believe that democracy necessarily leads to development. I believe that what a country needs to develop is discipline more than democracy. The collective goals are clear so the government's responsibility of upholding these should not be unduly hampered by democratic checks and balances. This ethos continues in some cases, albeit in a diluted form. A strong bureaucracy and an absence of the separation of powers are still characteristics of East Asian states.

    In fact, there has been practically a fusion of the state, leading party and bureaucracy. For years the cultural disposition of East Asians was thought to accept this benevolent, paternalistic spirit of government. As the epitome of this, Karel van Wolferen presented a picture of a docile, conformist, submissive Japanese population completely indifferent to the intrusions of the state and bureaucracy and an impenetrable political system. Indeed, these liberal notions can undermine efficiency and stability and cause gridlock between institutions. Efficiency and stability rank higher than transparency and accountability, although this is changing.

    This appears to conform to the East Asian emphasis on harmony and consensus, which could obstruct the free exchange of ideas and rigorous political debate. In the context of these conservative values a number of East Asian societies still do not have a free press. According to one observer, "East Asians want their governments to maintain a morally wholesome environment". A government campaign in Britain to promote morally wholesome values under the theme of "back to basics" was completely abandoned, for example. Could one characterize Asian democracy as government of the people but not necessarily by the people, and the people as subjects rather than citizens?

    If one were to attempt comparisons with the West it would appear that many East Asian political systems have been built upon different philosophical foundations and certainly reflect different priorities and needs. This is sometimes manifested in rather Orwellian terms of "too much freedom is dangerous". Invariably this raises the most indignant defensiveness in the region. There is a common generalization which is often presented as a dichotomy. In the West, liberal, cosmopolitan individual freedoms which stress civil and political rights. In the East, communitarian, context-dependent rights and duties commensurate with local needs and conditions which are more likely to stress social and economic rights.

    To some degree this rough distinction has been reflected in states' attitudes to the principal international human rights instruments - such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the covenants on civil and political, and social and economic, rights of - and it was manifested at the time of the UN Human Rights Conference in Vienna The Asian position, elaborated at a Bangkok summit prior to the UN conference, was that they would not accept a declaration which put the rights of the individual above the needs of society and the right to live in an environment of social and political order.

    There is also an element of indignation at a perceived Western cultural and racial superiority. East Asian leaders claim that different standards are both a reflection of different cultural foundations and different practical needs. Indeed, irrespective of cultural relativism, levels of social and economic development and degrees of state consolidation are key factors in human and political rights. The multi-ethnic nature of many East Asian states and the demands of managing the welfare of developing societies dictate certain priorities and an element of authoritarianism, just as they did in the West when it was undergoing a similar phase.

    In some cases fragmentation is a more pressing concern than human rights, a fact that some human rights commentators in the West fail to understand. Moreover, unlike the West, the region has experienced tremendous development in just decades. The socio-political impact of this has to be managed in such a way as to safeguard growth and avoid social fracture; democratizing too fast is not wise. There is clearly an emphasis on domestic jurisdiction and non-interference. Negotiations concerning Myanmar's membership in the Association of South-East Asian Nations, despite condemnation and sanctions against Myanmar by the outside world, have reflected this tendency. Similarly, the region stands out for having few, if any, legal instruments pertaining to human rights and no human rights commission.

    If East Asian societies are so self-disciplined and cohesive, why has it been necessary to maintain authoritarian state structures? The Changing Context The effects of economic globalization and interdependencies, advances in communications and transnational forces can be twofold. Some have argued that there has been a revival of traditional values as a result of the uncertainties of social change and as cultures rub up against each other. Whilst education, democracy and development may reflect a superficial Westernization, they can lead to a rediscovery of indigenous values, even a "cultural backlash".

    As a generalized consequence of "modernization" - industrialization, urbanization, education, democratization - this is undeniable. East Asian leaders have sought to exploit the opportunities of this environment whilst resisting the globalizing culture which accompanies this process. Yet by openly resisting change - and in the case of Singapore legislating to retain traditional values - they highlight that the force of change exists. Gerald Segal wrote that "modernization in East Asia is changing social values" and certain characteristic values are fading. The confidence which has resulted from the economic success of East Asia has been accompanied by an element of anxiety as old institutions and values come into contact with modern forces.

    One only has to talk with senior members of society to hear complaints of a decline of traditional values and a trend of materialist individualism. If you were to mention that you sincerely intended to study the works of Karl Marx during the holiday, you would gain extra points. Like most Chinese holidays, you should assume that more senior decision makers will take a few extra days on either side of the holiday, so avoid important business during the week leading up to and the week after the Labor Day period. Everyone in China eats zongzi, although few actually race dragon boats these days.

    From a business timing perspective, you may find some locally engaged staff-members or business collaborators to be absent from work for a week during this period, especially if they are active participants in dragon boat teams, and are attending races in far-flung cities. The Mid-Autumn Festival is all about family — getting together, sitting around a table, appreciating the beautiful full moon and eating moon-shaped cakes. This is the idealized picture of the modern, prosperous extended Chinese mainland family. However in contemporary times, for reasons of employment, Chinese families are usually scattered across the country or the world.

    They tend to be greasy, very salty often due to a duck egg filling and usually very hard to chew and swallow due to the dense, hockey-puck presentation.

    Notwithstanding the difficulty of actually consuming traditional mooncakes, it is of critical importance that they be given as elaborate gifts to all your clients, partners, staff and friends. To benefit from some of our sweet and modern ideas to delight your clients and partners, please feel free to contact us. Many employers may also notice mysterious seasonal illnesses around this time of year although to be fair, these may be legitimately caused by the consumption of aforesaid mooncakes. Good Mandarin Chinese phrases to use during the Mid-Autumn Festival fall into two main categories, and its seemly to use them both.


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